European Politics Essay Example for Free

European Politics Essay Not long after taking office as President, Nicolas Sarkozy initiated a bold agenda of sweeping governmental and economic reform which enflamed controversy and engendered violent confrontation within the French government and among the French population regarding both the state of economic parity within French society, and Frances role in a swiftly changing global-political climate. Sarkozy, a former member of the National Assembly, a two-time appointee as Minister of the Interior, and a past President of the UMP, rose to prominence as a widely popular (and also widely unpopular) figure in the conservative wing of French politics. Although Sarkozys personal and romantic life as well as his financial dealings and his public image have all fallen under the intense scrutiny of the French and International media, the most controversial issues associated with President Sarkozy have generally been and continue to be issue and policy oriented. Prior to being elected President, Sarkozy made International news headlines when, as Minister of the Interior, Sarkozy, insisted that Muslim women pose bare-headed for official identity photographs (Scott, 2005), a move which provoked a storm of opposition within France and throughout the globe. However, Sarkozys intentions were even much wider than revealed by his policy regarding identity photos; Sarkozys main recommendation, accepted by Chirac in January 2004, was for a law prohibiting the wearing of ostentatious signs of religious affiliation in public schools. This is now the law of the land (Scott, 2005). Sarkozys record prior to becoming President indicated that he was a man unafraid to pursue a controversial course of action. As president, one of Sarkozys first publically criticized actions was his handling of a Libyan hostage crisis which involved the retrieval of Belgian health-care workers who had been held in Libya. In return for releasing the Belgians, the Libyan dictator Gaddafi was able to gain President Sarkozys signature on a treaty which transferred hundreds of millions of euros, along with important military equipment to Libya. This move was met not only with criticism but with a call for an investigation at the parlimentary level which was requested by the head of the French Socialist Party. Although this single example may seem slight in light of the forthcoming discussion regarding governmental reform and the EU policy on climate change which will form the heart of the present study of Sarkozys administration, the incident is illustrative of the odd duality which seems to stamp itself on many of Sarkozys policies, programs, and initiatives. The duality is one rooted on one side in what many might consider a superficial, yet effective, understanding of public image and political theater; on the other side, it is rooted in what many might call brutally pragmatic economics. Critics of Sarkozy go further than to call the President an economic pragmatist. Many members of Sarkozys own conservative party, the UMP, have criticized the President for being a strong advocate of free-trade while simultaneously backing sweeping reforms in the working-class sector including his â€Å"loi de modernisation de leconomie† (Lawday, 2007), or Modernization of the Economy Law which in addition to relaxing federal restrictions on retail prices and work-regulations, allowed workers who worked over thirty-five hours a week to collect their overtime pay tax-free. If, basically, Sarkozys economic policies reflect a free-market, self-responsibility venture that he claims every advanced country in Europe, from Britain to those in Scandinavia, and lately Germany, has adopted to its advantage (Lawday, 2007) they also reflect an essentially conservative philosophy which stands in odd contrast to Sarkozys iconoclastic image as an agent of change. As one observer phrased it, Sarkozys economic philosophy and national economic program represents not so much novelty as catch-up politics with a conservative twist (Lawday, 2007) and, as such, Sarkozys economic programs include the curbing of labor unions and their power. These aspects of Sarkozys approach to government and economic matters leaves little room for doubt that at least in relation to financial matters the President is a true conservative, although his vision may be, overall, a bit more modern than that which is commonly associated with conservatism, the end-result is the same. Sarkozys economic philosophies are important not only because they impact one of the most crucial sectors of public policy and governmental influence in France the economy but also because they indicate the aforementioned duality of purpose and bearing which seems to stand as part and parcel of Sarkozys political career. If on e the one hand, Sarkozy wanted to amend the 35-hour working week so that it is no longer the reposeful regulation it implies (Lawday, 2007), he also sought to simultaneously force strikers to maintain a minimum service for trains, buses and other public services (Lawday, 2007) and to slice into the bloated state bureaucracy, where the unions are strongest, by permitting one replacement for every two retiring government office workers (Lawday, 2007) while at the same time admitting in the face of the recent global economic crisis that laissez faire capitalism is dead. The economic platform and policies which Sarkozy has advocated indicate that above all else Sarkozy is a pragmatist. This fact is s very useful fact because, by keeping it firmly in mind, a more complete understanding of Sarkozy the politician can be gained. In point of fact, most of what passes for populism in Sarkozys public image is precisely due to his pragmatic approach. His populist reputation as a French nationalist who is for robust immigration reform may collide somewhat uncomfortably with his status as the (rotating) President of the European Union, just as his stand on unions collides with his recent, public statements regarding socialism where Sarkozy responded to the question: have you become a socialist? with the answer Maybe (Lawday, 2007). Sarkozys radicalism which stands in sharp contrasts to his fiscal conservatism and his conservatism on issues such as immigration and unions manifests itself not in ideology, necessarily, but within the framework of his aforementioned pragmatism. In other words, Sarkozy may be a populist to the extent that he adopts positions which will curry favor with French Nationalists, such as the headscarf legislation mentioned at the opening of this paper, he may be a fiscal conservative bent on busting the unions and generating a productive working class base for French society, but in each case his convictions, while arguably difficult to pin down under a single umbrella of ideology, are always enacted by way of robust action. Sarkozy may be many things, but one thing he certainly is not is a dawdler. One of the most illustrative examples of Sarkozys style and substance as a leader, and specifically as the President of France, is his massive reform of French government and the displacement of governmental power. Although as will be demonstrated shorty Sarkozys controversial reforms to French government have the design and purpose of bringing the government into the modern era of global-politics and allowing for a more efficiently run government within France itself, the same reforms have been assailed by Sarkozy;s critics, primarily by the French Socialist party, as being tantamount to instating a dictatorship in France with Sarkozy himself enthroned as dictator. Although the specificities and complexities of Sarkozys reforming of French government pose much too vast a too vast to exhaust within the confines of this short discussion, the overall impact and intention of his reform policies offer profound insight into not Sarkozys ambitions as President but into the potentially radical reshaping of French government as well as Frances relationship to the EU. Before delving into the specifics of the reform legislation, it is useful to remember just how the French Constitution regarded the separation of governmental powers and more importantly what role the President of France was accorded by the Fifth Republics Constitution. Because Sarkozys program of governmental reform offers, as a centerpiece, the apparent expansion of Presidential power and authority, while simultaneously strengthening the role and power of parliament, sorting out the specific angles by which Sarkozy enabled the expansion of Presidential power can be quite difficult to achieve. However, the role of the French President, according to the Fifth Republics Constitution was limited: Article 5 [ ] states that the President ‘Provides by their arbitration for the regular functioning of the public authorities and the continuity of the State’ (Bell, 2000, p. 15), with nothing mentioned about the Presidents own power to legislate. This aspect of the Constitution is the key area by which Sarkozy sought to expand, in the eyes of the anti-reformers, Presidential power. Specifically, the most controversial aspect of the reform-laws was Sarkozys plan to allow the president to address parliament, opening up the possibility of a US State of the Union-style address. That has not been permitted since 1875, in an attempt to keep the executive and legislative branches separate (BBC News), and it is by this seemingly simple move that Sarkozy expanded Presidential authority while simultaneously seeming to limit that same authority. Because the Fifth Republics Constitution calls for the President to function as an arbitrator the American-style Presidency of the President as the leader of the legislature, addressing parliament, becomes a specter of dread to those who view this as an incursion on the Constitutional separation of powers. While it is true that Article 5, which implicitly restricts the Presidency, has been a subject of controversy (Bell, 2000, p. 15), Sarkozys expansion of Presidential authority has proven to be even more divisive. Sarkozys plan to rewrite the Fifth Republics Constitution represents the two primary aspects of his governing style which have formed the roots of the current discussion; these aspects are his inherent conservatism and his obvious pragmatism. The reform legislation introduced radical, pragmatic steps toward affecting sweeping change in France and rewrote the French Constitution, but while Sarkozy verbalized his assurances that the reforms represented Movement, change, modernity,' (BBC News) as well as a victory for French democracy, the same reforms also contributed to the strengthening of Presidential authority and resulted in a divided parliament with Sarkozys reform bill passing by 539 votes to 357 one vote more than the three-fifths majority of the combined Assembly and Senate required to pass the reforms BBC News), so if strengthening democracy was Sarkozys intention, his initial result was to divide the parliament and pass a sweeping reform to the French Constitution with next-to-no consensus. This fact in itself would seem to confirm the trepidation regarding his proposed reforms (now law) which engulfed his detractors in parliament. One of these detractors, Socialist senator Bernard Frimat told lawmakers before t he vote at a special session at the Chateau of Versailles (BBC News) that Sarkozy had offered a consolidation of monocracy, (BBC News) but Sarkozy, always careful to play to populist ideas and ideals, counter-weighted the expansion of Presidential authority with corresponding limits and restrictions on the French Presidency. The reform laws while strengthening the Presidents role in the legislature also limit the President to two five year terms, gives parliament a veto over some presidential appointments, ends government control over parliaments committee system, allows parliament to set its own agenda, and ends the presidents right of collective pardon (BBC News). Seemingly, by these latter reforms, Sarkozy was interested in limiting not expanding the powers of the French President; however the telling point of the reform laws as they relate to the French Presidency lies within the mere expansion of the Presidents role as a lawmaker rather than, as the Fifth Republics Constitution advocated, a a neutral ‘umpire’ who has three principal tasks: i) to see that the Constitution is respected; ii) to ‘arbitrate’ to ensure the continuity of the state; iii) to be vigilant on the issues of national independence, territorial integrity and the respect for treaties (Bell, 2000, p. 16). Sarkozys vision of the President and the reform legislation he was able to enact to realize this vision stands in direct opposition to Article 5 of the French Constitution. Sarkozys radical pragmatism extends beyond the parameters and confines of French domestic issues into the realm of International affairs. As the acting President of the European Union, Sarkozy has applied a similarly hands on approach to issues of international importance such as climate change. As illustrated by Sarkozys reform legislation and the somewhat concealed agenda therein which provided for the expansion of Presidential authority, Sarkozy seems to have adopted a similar approach to his position as EU President. On the topic of global warming and climate change, Sarkozy has proven to be as pragmatic and as forceful as he was on the issues of crime, immigration, and government reform in France. At the thirty-third summit of the G8, Sarkozy offered a plan to reduce French CO2 emissions by half and what followed was the adoption of this concept by the G8 nations as a whole. Although the agreement which was reached at the summit was non-binding, Sarkozys lead enabled the G8 nations to put forth a collective plan to cut in half the global emissions of greenhouse gasses. Sarkozy continued to push for a binding agreement, but his efforts proved futile. Nevertheless, his approach to the issue of climate change represented, as his approach to governmental reform. a pragmatic and comprehensive approach to a hard problem. Of interest is the fact that the binding agreement regarding greenhouse gas emissions was apparently blocked by the United States with its President, George W, Bush, citing the refusal of third-world nations to also enter into the agreement. Responding tot his obstacle, Sarkozy turned his efforts not toward America or the Third World, but to China, utilizing his status as EU President to put forward a comprehensive and progressive energy policy which included a collaborative effort with the Chinese. Sarkozys successful brokering of a deal on energy adn climate change between the EU adn China marks one of the most important accomplishments of his pragmatic and often radical approach to governing. It is due to this combination of tenacity and creativity that Sarkozy has evolved from a controversial cabinet member in the French government known mostly for being a strong conservative to an actor on the world stage who seems to be equal parts populist and conservative. It is, perhaps, not necessary, to understand which of the aspects, conservative or populist is dominant in Sarkozy, it is possibly not even that important to understand, at a personal, human level, which aspect represents more honestly Sarkozys own world-view. While some observers may claim that Sarkozys populism is merely a smokescreen to conceal his ambitious moves toward a consolidation of personal power, others may claim, with good reason, that Sarkozys populism represents a genuine attempt to represent the global sea-change which has currently cast global economics and world-affairs into an ambiguous and dangerous place. No matter which of these perspectives lies closer to the objective truth of Sarkozy the man, the result of Sarkozys actions as a world-leader will involve much more than a consideration of President Sarkozys motives. One of the most compelling aspects of Sarkozy as a world leader is his simultaneous insistence of modernity while maintaining an acute, almost reverential, respect for the past. Like the other dualities apparent in Sarkozys governing style adn thinking style, this duality of past vs. future manifest, in Sarkozy, not as an abstract idealogy but in pragmatic application. In addition to his highly controversial reforms in regard to economics, government, unions, immigration, and climate change, Sarkozy has also generated a great deal of controversy regarding his position of cultural subjects and education in France. While seeming to be a strong nationalist with a true conservatives reverence for tradition, Sarkozy has readily admitted that France has failed to democratize its culture and that in doing so, accomplished one of the chief failures of the past 50 years of French government (Sarkozy out to Democratize, 2007, p. B01). As always, his suggested course of action revealed a blend of populism and conservatism and fused the cultural concerns of France with the power of the French government: Sarkozy defined democratisation de la culture as providing the means for the largest number of people to understand and appreciate Sophocles, Shakespeare and Racine. He added that the purpose of education is to teach you how to tell the difference between Madame Bovary and a police blotter, or between Antigone and Harry Potter. Later, you can read what you like. (Sarkozy out to Democratize, 2007, p. B01) In conclusion, Sarkozys style of governing offers a curious and sometimes uncomfortable blend of populism and conservatism. In the area of domestic policy, he has proven to be both radical in his approach and keenly aware of the political impact of his pragmatic reforms, on international issues he has proven to be creative, opportunistic, and decisive. While Sarkozys bold embracing of modernity may be authenticated by his actions in some cases, many of his policies and programs reveal an essentially conservative politician who seeks, not merely reform, but the type of reform which ensures the continuation of his carefully crafted ideological beliefs.

Parent-Child Relationship Essay -- Self Esteem, Struggle for Control

Parents play a major role in the development and the life of a child. According to the Encyclopedia of Psychology, parenting practises is universal because of three common goals: ensuring children's health and safety, preparing children for life as productive adults and transmitting cultural values. Although, the modern days inventions as well as peers pressures are affecting children's behavior,however parents that are not overly controlling can use these traits to develop their children for the good. Perhaps this is why Amy Tan's story, â€Å"Two Kinds,† is so interesting. This story helps us to better understand relationships between parents and children by showing us how parents struggles for control with their children, why parents fight child for control, and why parents cannot control their children , but can only guide them. To begin with, â€Å"Two Kinds,† helps us to better understand relationships between parents and children by showing us how parents struggles for control with their children. First, Amy Tan, a second -generation Chinese describes parents and children using power and control to get their needs and wants met. She demonstrates that as children grow, they try to gain power in order to get control over their lives. For example in the story her mother believed that she could be anything in America. Consequently, she wanted her to become a prodigy. Amy would take tests from her mother every night. However, she was frustrated with every test and the drive inside her began to vanish as she decided to be disobedient to her mother. â€Å"And then I saw what seemed to be the prodigy side of me because I had never seen that face before. I looked at my reflection, blinking so I could see more clearly. The girl staring b... ...hild development may help parents give children choices to help parents give children choices to help them develop their guidelines as they matures. However, parents need to take responsibility for the choices they make. Excessive control is not a forced decision. With the adequate public information and dedication, parents can guide their children to become productive citizens. When a parent confront an obstinate child, all it takes is for her not to take it personally, or overreact by saying abusive things, giving her severe punishments or physically hurting the child. Work Cited Tan, Amy. â€Å"Two Kinds.† Literature Reading, Reacting, Writing. Ed. Laurie G. Kirszner and Stephen R. Mandell. 8th ed. Boston: Wadsworth, 2013. 687-695. print. Kazdin, Alan E., Phd. Encyclopedia of Psychology, Volume 8, March 2000. Parent-Child Relationship Essay -- Self Esteem, Struggle for Control Parents play a major role in the development and the life of a child. According to the Encyclopedia of Psychology, parenting practises is universal because of three common goals: ensuring children's health and safety, preparing children for life as productive adults and transmitting cultural values. Although, the modern days inventions as well as peers pressures are affecting children's behavior,however parents that are not overly controlling can use these traits to develop their children for the good. Perhaps this is why Amy Tan's story, â€Å"Two Kinds,† is so interesting. This story helps us to better understand relationships between parents and children by showing us how parents struggles for control with their children, why parents fight child for control, and why parents cannot control their children , but can only guide them. To begin with, â€Å"Two Kinds,† helps us to better understand relationships between parents and children by showing us how parents struggles for control with their children. First, Amy Tan, a second -generation Chinese describes parents and children using power and control to get their needs and wants met. She demonstrates that as children grow, they try to gain power in order to get control over their lives. For example in the story her mother believed that she could be anything in America. Consequently, she wanted her to become a prodigy. Amy would take tests from her mother every night. However, she was frustrated with every test and the drive inside her began to vanish as she decided to be disobedient to her mother. â€Å"And then I saw what seemed to be the prodigy side of me because I had never seen that face before. I looked at my reflection, blinking so I could see more clearly. The girl staring b... ...hild development may help parents give children choices to help parents give children choices to help them develop their guidelines as they matures. However, parents need to take responsibility for the choices they make. Excessive control is not a forced decision. With the adequate public information and dedication, parents can guide their children to become productive citizens. When a parent confront an obstinate child, all it takes is for her not to take it personally, or overreact by saying abusive things, giving her severe punishments or physically hurting the child. Work Cited Tan, Amy. â€Å"Two Kinds.† Literature Reading, Reacting, Writing. Ed. Laurie G. Kirszner and Stephen R. Mandell. 8th ed. Boston: Wadsworth, 2013. 687-695. print. Kazdin, Alan E., Phd. Encyclopedia of Psychology, Volume 8, March 2000.

Hanover Jamaica

The Hanover Revolt of 1776 AP-HIST 1050 Dave Cousins November 21, 2012 The Hanover Revolt of 1776 Two documents which discuss the slave revolt in seventeen seventy-six are titled as â€Å"The Jamaican Slave Insurrection† by Richard Sheridan and â€Å"Testing the Chains† by Michael Craton. Both these documents contain these historian’s perspectives about the seventeen seventy-six slave revolt. These documents both have similarities and differences and contribute aspects with the seventeen seventy-six slave revolt. Sheridan’s document is very detailed discussing the life of the maroons from before and after they signed the treaty.Sheridan’s document also discusses the events that occurred before the slave revolt, what caused the slave revolt, American Revolution, and the plot of the slaves. Sheridan’s document goes into depth and presents many details on what he is trying to say. On the other hand, Craton’s document only discusses one ma jor event which was about the plot of the slaves. With no evidential proof on what caused the slave revolt, these historian’s share with us there perspectives and gives us an idea on what some of the answers to our questions might be.Before the slave revolt occurred in seventeen seventy-six, there were many other slave outbursts that occurred in the past. It was stated in Sheridan’s document that after years of getting ambushed and attacked, the whites sued the Maroons for peace. The Maroons and the whites eventually signed the first treaty which occurred on March seventeen thirty-nine. The rebellions began to get very frustrated with the maroons do to the fact that there have been no plans of attack since the treaty was signed. Although, in seventeen sixty, slaves from numerous plantations in the parish of St.Mary fought back. This attack was successful due to the fact that the slaves broke in a fort and acquired arms and gunpowder. This led to the action of the slave s going from plantation to plantation killing the whites and black recruits were increasing. With the understanding of what situations occurred before, during and after the slave revolt in seventeen seventy-six, it is questioned among us on what caused the revolt? Although there is not much evidential proof on exactly what caused it, but there are historian’s point of views such as Sheridan’s.In his document, Sheridan mentions that hard labor and harsh punishment were cited as strong motives by several slaves who were examined by magistrates of Hanover parish (Sheridan, 299). In Sheridan’s document there are an example from both Orlando Patterson and Monica Schuler who confirm that, â€Å"most of the conspiracies and revolts in the period of this study began on estates belonging to absentee proprietors† (Sheridan, 299). Slaves were forced to work harder so that the white men would produce large profits and salaries for themselves. Sheridan states that the se factors were the reason why the slave revolt slowly began.The slaves were eventually getting fed up and tired of the treatment they were receiving from the whites. Most of the slave outbreaks throughout Jamaica within this period began on estates belonging to absentee proprietors (Sheridan, 299). Absenteeism resulted in gross mismanagement of estates by attorneys who forced the slave to work far beyond their strength, to produce large profits for principles, commissions and salaries for themselves (Sheridan, 292). Absenteeism is an example of how slaves were treated shamefully, because of food shortages and huger brought misery and dissatisfaction to these slaves.Thus the harsh punishment and dissatisfaction mainly led the slaves to discomfort, which then led them to created rebellion. It is questioned throughout these documents as to why these slave outbreaks occurred and to what the real motive was behind plots. It is stated in Sheridan’s document that the slaves plan to attack the whites when they were most vulnerable. In this case it was said to be they were most defenseless during a Christmas Holiday. The slaves planned to take advantage of the white’s weakness; in this case they planned to patiently wait until the white men removed their military unit so an attack would be more effective.The plot to raise an attack on the white people was discovered on Monday, July 15th. Both Sheridan and Craton state in their documents that July 15 was indeed the correct date for the discovery of the plot. Although, in the documents the stories that led to the discovery of the plot are both dissimilar. In Craton’s document he states that a domestic slave was found with his master’s pistol. While in Sheridan’s document he gets more into detail with it and explains that a slave boy was discovered to be holding a pistol while filling it with oil and cotton.On the other hand, the after math of this situation is both similar on the docum ents. Stating that forty-eight ringleaders were arrested and imprisoned and that six of the most obviously guilty were executed within the next couple of days. In both documents Sheridan and Craton both mention the same slave. Although Craton spells the slaves name as â€Å"Pontiac† while Sheridan spells the slaves name as â€Å"Pontack†. The significance point about this slave is that in both documents it states that this man was a run away slave who was part of the â€Å"Blue Hole estate†. This led to the actions of getting captured and interrogated.The white men interrogating Pontiac by pressuring him into giving out details about the rebellions. Instead of answering the question, he changed the subject and talked about the maroons and how Billy and Asherry were advising the slaves on what to do and that they were going to support them. This leads to the conclusion that even though there is not evident proof that all the maroons united with the slaves, there is evident proof which is written in both documents that Billy and Asherry did. Maroons were eventually replaced by slave rangers to chase down runaways after this incident.Jamaican’s economy had an extraordinary growth from the Maroon treaties of 1739-40 to the outbreak of the American Revolution in seventeen seventy-five (Sheridan 293). Sheridan states the five parishes which are the Hanover, St. James, Trelawny, St. Elizabeth and Westmoreland. It was very understandable that the slaves out numbered the white men vastly. In seventeen seventy-four St. James had 12,557 slaves while there were only 478 whites. This can also be said in a ratio of 26:1. In the document of Craton it is stated that the ratio in the Hanover from black to whites was 25:1.Similarities do occur in this situation as both documents notify the ratio which is not exact but very similar. With this being said, a major comparison also is identified within the two documents with the relative subject. In Sheri don’s document it is acknowledged that from the years 1763-1775, sugar plantations increased from 429 to 775. While in Craton’s document he states that there were 75 sugar plantations starting at the year of seventeen seventy-fifty. Revered John Lindsay D. D is a man who is mentioned in both Sheridan and Craton’s document.He states linked conspiracy with revolutionary ideology (Sheridan, 300). This is stated by Revered John Lindsay D. D within a letter that he wrote. This letter can be found on page 175 of Craton’s document and on page 300 of Sheridan’s document. This letter by John Lindsay was written to a man named Dr. William Robertson, who was a famous historian. The letter informed William Robertson that while slave insurrections were not uncommon, the conspiracy of seventeen seventy-six was unique in its involvement of both the Creole and house slaves (Sheridan, 300).John Lindsay then discusses in his letter how when the whites are sitting at the table, where there is a waiting man behind every person; the topic of American Rebellion has been disaffected amongst us (Sheridan, 300). Another example which is found in Sheridan’s document is from Stephan Fuller. Stephen suggested that the American Revolution may have been partly responsible for the slave revolt scare of seventeen seventy-six. In other words, after reading both documents it is clear to the readers that different historians discuss events and situations that are similar but yet different at the same time.In this case for example, Sheridan spells the runaway slaves name as â€Å"Pontack† in his document, while Craton spells it as â€Å"Pontiac† in his document. This only proves that there are no evidential proof and true facts on the seventeen seventy-six slave revolt. Analyzing both documents, it is clear that the main question asked and still unknown is â€Å"what caused the slave revolt†. This question was not answered in Cratonà ¢â‚¬â„¢s documents, with the assumption that he did not know what caused it. While Sheridan states in his documents that the main cause for the revolt in eventeen seventy-six was due to the fact the slaves were just fed up and tired of the treatment that they were receiving. Understanding Craton and Sheridan’s point of view in their documents, it is too quick to judge which information is false or which information is the most accurate when reading the detailed events and situations during the revolt. As a historian there is no certainty that what your saying is correct or a fact, but a point of view from gathering information would never hurt or interest one historian after another.

Is Justice Possible Free Essay Example, 2000 words

This helped the Nigerian people to revitalize their spirits and to eradicate military rule from their country. This case shows that through education a society can earn the determination to liberate them from oppression. In the context, of educational rights Nigeria is observed to be a participant of the Jomitien agreement. This agreement specially focuses on educational needs. However, Nigeria is still observed to be much backward in its educational status. This fact leads to a number of children to be the sufferers of acute poverty. In addition to the lack of educational infrastructure, the girl community is further deprived of their educational right. To this end, civil bodies in Nigeria like the Social Alert Network and Center for Human Rights and Empowerment are keenly observing the actions taken by the Federal and State Governments in promoting education for all. Moreover, the Global Campaign observes it for Education that the prevalence of education in African countries has h elped in reducing the threat imposed by AIDS. (Akinbode, 2006, pp. 92-94) Role of Religion in matters of Social Justice The role of religion in promoting justice to a region or community is widely encouraged by human rights bodies. We will write a custom essay sample on Is Justice Possible or any topic specifically for you Only $17.96 $11.86/pageorder now In fact it is observed that the human rights bodies have operated closely with religious units to render social justice in regions of Latin America like Chile and Brazil. It is observed that religious bodies have insisted on the reduction of capital punishment. However, the human rights activist have strongly opposed to in this direction stating that abolition of capital punishment signifies judicial sacrifice. They further added that abolition of capital punishment is permissible in cases for reconciliation to convey democratic peace in the country. Further, the religious bodies have also stressed on matters of political reconciliation between conflicting groups to restore peace and empathy in the country. Christians and Islamic bodies are mainly found to participate actively in the restoration process through religious doctrines of Jesus Christ and Allah respectively. It is further observed that religious bodies in Latin American countries like Br azil and Chile attempted to carry out detailed sets of investigation on the activities of the military regime. The Catholic Church further carried out a reconciliation exercise to restore democracy in the region. Keeping in tune to the activities of the Chilean Catholic Church the Archbishop of South Africa and other religious leaders created the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission or the TRC.